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"Lithuanian Foreign Policy.
Strategic Partnership with Poland: From Common History to Common Priorities"
By Vygaudas Usackas, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania
Speech at Pulaski Foundation, Warsaw
22  April 2009

 

Mr. Zbigniew Pisarski,

Excellencies,

Ladies and gentlemen,

Thank you for this opportunity to address you on issues of Lithuanian foreign policy priorities here at the Pulaski Foundation, dedicated to a hero who fought for the independence of the Lithuanian-Polish Commonwealth and is widely honoured in the United States, home to several generations of Lithuanian and Polish émigrés.

After arriving in America, Pulaski wrote to General Washington, "I came here, where freedom is being defended, to serve it, and to live or die for it." The values that Casimir Pulaski espoused, his passion for freedom and justice continue to inspire our actions several centuries later.

Today, our countries are contributing proudly to the cause of security, democracy and freedom: our troops and civilian experts are stationed in Afghanistan; Lithuanian and Polish soldiers take part in peace missions led by the United Nations, NATO and OSCE; and our nations are actively engaged in promoting democracy and human rights.

Both our countries are members of the Community of Democracies. Poland, a founding member of this community, hosted the first biennial ministerial conference of CD in June 2000 and is home to the seat of its Permanent Secretariat. Lithuania will take over the CD chair this coming summer, and I look forward to working very closely with Poland during our term, including preparations for the tenth anniversary of the Community next year, which I suggest could be marked by an event co-organized by both our countries.
 
Ladies and gentlemen,

 

Yesterday in Cracow, I spoke at length about the lessons of our common history. Today, I would like to focus on our common priorities for the future.

What our nations have achieved since the restoration of diplomatic relations on 5 September 1991, is remarkable. Today our relations are qualified as the best in history. Our strategic partnership has been translated into practice by the establishment of joint presidential, parliamentary and intergovernmental institutions and the development of a wide network of cross-border cooperation, active bilateral trade and investment, people-to-people contacts, including a joint youth fund, and growing tourist flows.

Most importantly, today as free and democratic like-minded nations we contribute to shaping the fortunes of modern Europe. We will have a unique opportunity to be at the helm of Europe together in 2011, when Poland will assume the presidency of the European Union, while Lithuania will be chairing the OSCE.

In order to prepare successfully for leading Europe, we agreed with my colleague Radoslaw Sikorski  to work out a common agenda for our respective presidencies and to coordinate our priorities regarding the wider Europe. To ensure continuity, I also suggested to extend this joint agenda-setting into the year 2013, when Lithuania in its turn will assume the EU presidency.

By acting together we can make our concerns and aspirations the concerns and aspirations of the whole European Union. Thus, for example, owing to the consistent efforts of both our countries, the states of Eastern Europe began to figure more prominently in EU’s discussions, leading to a more balanced policy of the EU’s neighbourhood. Thanks to our joint efforts, a common EU energy policy and solidarity in the energy field appeared in the Lisbon treaty, while energy security became part of EU and NATO agendas. 

I therefore invite both our countries to build on the tradition of solidarity dating back to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as well as on the successes of our current cooperation and to set ambitious goals for the future. I see three areas where our efforts can be particularly productive and useful: shaping key EU policy areas; our Eastern neighbourhood; and maintaining a strong and vibrant transatlantic link.

In terms of key EU policy areas, we must work towards further integration of the EU internal market and the removal of the remaining barriers to the movement of goods, capital and services and labour. We need to resist the protectionist instincts and distortion of single market rules across the EU, and ensure fair competition and level playing to all EU companies and businesses. Alongside with the deepening of economic integration, we need to promote openness to trade. Strengthening of the internal market and free trade is the best strategy to overcome current economic downturn and to reap the benefits of globalisation.

For Europe‘s voice to be heard globally, we need to work together in building a strong and united Union speaking with one voice and acting as a truly global player in promoting the interests of our citizens in the interdependent, flat and crowded world of the 21st century.

The entering into force of the Lisbon Treaty would be a major step in that direction. If adopted, the Lisbon Treaty would bring important changes to the EU institutional set-up. I hope that Lithuania and Poland will co-operate closely with a view to ensuring that the shape of the new institutions reflects the interests of all the member states, and that the principles of  equality among all the member states, transparency and democratic legitimacy, subsidiarity and proportionality as well as community method are fully respected. 

We also need to closely co-ordinate our efforts in preparing the next EU financial perspective. This strategic discussion will be high on the EU agenda during the Polish presidency and should be completed during Lithuania’s turn. We must make sure that energy security, competitiveness, research and innovation, especially in our region, the implementation of the Baltic Sea Strategy and Eastern Partnership are well reflected among the financing priorities for the period 2014-2020.

We should also co-ordinate our efforts as we prepare to join the euro zone. Introduction of the euro would increase our macro-financial stability, confidence in the financial sector and among the investors.

We should work together in order to complete Europe‘s integration by implementing the necessary infrastructure and  energy projects and reducing our dependence on third country monopolies.

Last but not least, Lithuania and Poland can also work together to make sure that the EU enlargement continues and that the promise of membership for the Balkan countries and Turkey is materialised.

Regarding energy and infrastructure. The current financial- economic crisis has been a bit of a shock to all of us. However, it should not detract Europe from dealing with energy security which has become a matter of high priority and a major challenge of the 21st century.

We need concerted European action to create a well-functioning and integrated internal energy market by developing internal interconnections; strengthening the external energy policy dimension by implementing in practice the principle of solidarity; ensuring the transparency of external supplies and developing alternative supply sources. Lithuania welcomes the initiative of the European Commission to elaborate the Baltic Energy Market Interconnection Plan (BEMIP), which should contribute to addressing the issue of isolated energy markets in Europe as well as reducing dependency on a single external energy supplier.

We welcome the decisions of the European Council of December 2008 to mobilize an additional five billion EUR for trans-European energy interconnections and broadband infrastructure projects and the recent decision of the European Council to allocate 175 MEUR for the implementation of the Baltic-Swedish interconnection and 100 MEUR for the Estlink-2 project.

The power link project with Poland is of strategic importance to the energy security of the Baltic States. The implementation of this project will facilitate the integration of the Baltic States into the common EU energy market. The project’s preparatory team must have the investment plan ready by mid-2009, so that practical steps in the link project implementation can be commenced in 2010.

Our nuclear partnership in building Lithuania’s new nuclear power plant comes as an integral part of our endeavours to ensure energy security in the region. This year we are planning to finish the preparatory works regarding this project, including the elaboration of a business model and a financial plan; and we expect to start its practical implementation next year. 

Lithuania’s priorities include diversification of gas supply and integration into the EU gas network. This goal could be reached by connecting Lithuanian and Polish gas networks, which would also create possibilities for Poland to use gas storage facilities in the Baltic States. We are pleased that Polish natural gas projects have been included among those to receive financial support. It is essential to prepare a feasibility study on Lithuanian-Polish gas networks connection. On this matter Poland’s support is necessary in order to get financing by the EC and to move forward with this mutually beneficial project.

Besides developing a common energy system, we are also faced with the urgency of integrating regional and trans-regional transport systems. Last week, I received a group of Polish students in my office. They told me that it took them sixteen hours to get from Cracow to Vilnius. Travel by rail from Vilnius to Warsaw, Berlin, or Kaliningrad should be a matter of two to three hours, and not twelve or sixteen hours as it is today. The creation of a modern North-South transport axis and an effective transport network across the eastern region of the Baltic Sea will benefit both, Lithuania and Poland- and the entire Baltic Sea region.

Given the importance of those issues, Lithuania welcomes the EU’s Baltic Sea Strategy. The Action Plan of the Strategy will provide an opportunity for our region and the countries concerned to promote competitiveness and efficiency and to accelerate economic development.

Let me move now to Eastern Partnership. Over the years the double expansion of NATO and the EU has proven to be the best guarantor of a Europe that is prosperous and at peace. We believe in keeping the doors of EU and NATO open, and eventually embracing our eastern neighbours that have expressed a specific desire to join, such as Ukraine and Georgia.

We all understand that those who aspire for membership must do their homework by implementing necessary administrative and legal reforms, ridding their respective countries from corruption and crime, and protectionism, ensuring transparency and accountability at all levels, and fostering mature civil societies.  Only so can they make their eventual membership beneficial to themselves and the organizations they seek to join.

The current financial-economic crisis has increased the sense of vulnerability across Eastern Europe by directly affecting political-economic stability in the region. Events in Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia bring new urgency to promoting democracy and reforms in this fairly volatile region and offering our full support to countries with a clear Euro-Atlantic vocation. By doing so, we invest in our own longer-term security, since we cannot afford to let those countries suffer internal breakdown that could deflect them from their Euro-Atlantic course. We therefore welcome the EU’s decision to allocate a total of 600 MEUR for the various initiatives and projects to be undertaken through EaP by the year 2013.

On our part, we must do all we can to help those countries proceed along the path of democracy and reform. We welcome the recent launch of the EU’s Eastern Partnership Initiative. In the European Council we reached an agreement on an ambitious declaration, which reflects our goals concerning visa liberalisation, deep and comprehensive free trade agreements and relevant financial support for the Eastern partners. Those elements will be  addressed during the Eastern Partnership summit on 7 May this year, setting out a strategy towards the East.

Let me also dwell briefly on our common neighbour, Belarus. The current picture in Belarus remains rather mixed, with both positive and negative developments taking place. Lithuania is in favour of smart engagement with this country. We believe the engagement should be inclusive of both, Belarusian government and civil society. It should be gradual, in accordance with the guidelines established by the EU member states; practical in using existing Eastern Partnership platforms and instruments; and serve as a strategic instrument for influencing developments inside Belarus and its relations with the EU.

 

Ladies and gentlemen, 

 

Let me now move to transatlantic relations. Few other countries appreciate the importance of a strategic partnership with the United States as much as Lithuania and Poland do. North America’s relationship with Europe enables us collectively to achieve goals that neither one of us could on our own, which is especially important in today’s complex and often unpredictable strategic environment.

Lithuania remains convinced that a strong Alliance and a vibrant transatlantic link are the cornerstone of Europe’s security, where the core purpose of NATO- to provide for collective defence of its members and to institutionalize the transatlantic link - must remain rock solid.

We welcome the results of NATO Strasbourg / Kehl Summit where NATO leaders re-affirmed the principle of the indivisibility of Allied security, the commitment to transatlantic solidarity and the common goal of a Europe that is whole and free.

We are also pleased that the Summit reaffirmed the membership prospect for Ukraine and Georgia; adopted a strong text on energy security; and agreed to strengthen the focus on collective defence, including by ensuring the provision of fully prepared and deployable forces able to conduct the full range of military operations and missions on and beyond its territory, on its periphery and at strategic distance. This last commitment is of special importance to both our nations, situated on the Eastern border of NATO.

Air policing is the most important element for Lithuania in this respect. We must assure its continuation, by making it a permanent NATO mission. Allow me to express our appreciation of Poland’s participation in the mission. Your pilots have already served two missions protecting the Baltic airspace, and they will be back next year, which is more than most other NATO members have contributed so far.

As the Summit agreed to develop a new NATO Strategic Concept, we look forward to working closely with our Polish colleagues in developing specific proposals for the Concept. On the other hand, it is time we started a comprehensive discussion regarding NATO’s policy towards Russia.

We should work out a common strategy of engagement and influence, marked by due vigilance and caution, able to curb Russia’s temptation to assert its domination over its neighbours, but also offering a possibility of moving ahead on mutually advantageous terms. I believe that our two countries could take the lead in this discussion.

We need to set a balance between pragmatism and matters of principle in all cooperation forms, including the NRC, without undermining the core principles of the latter. As agreed by the Allies, we need to discuss with Russia not only issues on which we agree, but also issues that we disagree on.

I believe it is important that future political leaders of Russia should grow up knowing that there is a genuine openness towards their nation and a chance for Russia to join the democratic community of nations. After all, it is not impossible- and Minister Radoslaw Sikorski spoke on this in Torun a few weeks ago - that a democratic Russia might join NATO one day, as an equal among equals.

We cannot make Russia join our fold. It can only happen if and when Russia chooses to do so. But we can and must help those who want to join our path. Our political relations with Russia should not be at their expense. On the contrary, building relations with Russia requires active support of its neighbours.

By helping countries like Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia to persist with democratic reforms and to improve the lives of their people, we are offering a vivid example to ordinary Russians of the benefits of healthy democratic institutions.

We can tell by our own experience with Russia’s Kaliningrad Region that there is a desire locally for more cooperation and dialogue. We should build on this desire, by working creatively with Kaliningrad Region and extending cross border cooperation, promoting greater people-to-people and youth exchanges, and facilitating visa procedures which could one day lead to visa free travel. This will be one of the key priorities of Lithuanian chairmanship of the Council of the Baltic Sea States which will start in July this year.  

 Ladies and gentlemen,

Lithuania and Poland are historical neighbours with a common past and a common future through the EU. At one time we had a common Constitution. That time may come again, when the European Union adopts its Constitution, marking a qualitatively new stage in Europe‘s integration. 

I have earlier referred to our strategic partnership. We should not allow that strategic partnership to become institutionalised routine. The challenges we are facing today and may face in the future are many and increasingly unpredictable. We should therefore give the Lithuanian-Polish cooperation a new breath, we should recharge our relations with positive, result-oriented energies, enabling us to tackle succesfully whatever challenges we may face.
Thank you.